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<title>International Studies</title>
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<title><![CDATA[Democratization in the Arab World: Relevance of the Turkish Model]]></title>
<link>http://isq.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/45/4/271?rss=1</link>
<description><![CDATA[<p>The article argues that the Turkish experience with democracy may not offer a &lsquo;model&rsquo; for democratization of the Arab states in West Asia and North Africa. It begins with a brief account of institutional and political changes in Turkey since the establishment of the modern Turkish Republic. It also explains how historical and structural conditions conducive to Turkey&rsquo;s progression to democracy are absent in much of the Arab world. It concludes that the Turkish experience is sui generis and cannot be replicated by any other state in the region. Nevertheless, it does provide an example for Arab liberal reformers, currently campaigning for democracy and political pluralism in the region.</p>]]></description>
<dc:creator><![CDATA[Mohapatra, A. K.]]></dc:creator>
<dc:date>Tue, 17 Nov 2009 03:49:40 PST</dc:date>
<dc:identifier>info:doi/10.1177/002088170904500401</dc:identifier>
<dc:title><![CDATA[Democratization in the Arab World: Relevance of the Turkish Model]]></dc:title>
<prism:number>4</prism:number>
<prism:volume>45</prism:volume>
<prism:endingPage>294</prism:endingPage>
<prism:publicationDate>2008-10-01</prism:publicationDate>
<prism:startingPage>271</prism:startingPage>
<prism:section>Articles</prism:section>
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<item rdf:about="http://isq.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/45/4/295?rss=1">
<title><![CDATA[Palestinian Politics in the Post-Arafat Period]]></title>
<link>http://isq.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/45/4/295?rss=1</link>
<description><![CDATA[<p>The article examines the key developments in Palestinian politics in the post-Arafat era, including the decision of Hamas to participate in the democratic political process. Even though the issue of succession was settled with much more ease than expected, the divisions within the Palestinian movement came to the fore with the electoral victory of Hamas in the  January 2006 legislative elections. The subsequent power struggle between Fatah and Hamas completely fragmented the Palestinian community. The author argues that the external actors&mdash;particularly the US and Israel&mdash;are mostly, though not entirely, responsible for such political fragmentation and the subsequent weakening of the Palestinian movement.</p>]]></description>
<dc:creator><![CDATA[Pradhan, B.]]></dc:creator>
<dc:date>Tue, 17 Nov 2009 03:49:40 PST</dc:date>
<dc:identifier>info:doi/10.1177/002088170904500402</dc:identifier>
<dc:title><![CDATA[Palestinian Politics in the Post-Arafat Period]]></dc:title>
<prism:number>4</prism:number>
<prism:volume>45</prism:volume>
<prism:endingPage>339</prism:endingPage>
<prism:publicationDate>2008-10-01</prism:publicationDate>
<prism:startingPage>295</prism:startingPage>
<prism:section>Articles</prism:section>
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<item rdf:about="http://isq.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/45/4/341?rss=1">
<title><![CDATA[India and the European Union: Broadening Strategic Partnership  Beyond Economic Linkages]]></title>
<link>http://isq.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/45/4/341?rss=1</link>
<description><![CDATA[<p>India and Europe share the vision of a democratic, multi-cultural and multi-polar world. In the recent past, trade and other economic ties have formed the core of India&ndash;EU partnership. Encouraged by positive trends, both have forged a strategic partnership and are negotiating for a broad-based bilateral trade and investment agreement. Despite many positive developments in the economic sphere, Indian policy makers are sceptical about Europe&rsquo;s role as a major strategic player in Asia. Apart from economic issues, India&rsquo;s partnership with the EU is still at a &lsquo;dialogue&rsquo; level. The main challenge in the coming years will be to broaden the existing economic partnership to cover traditional and non-traditional security issues.</p>]]></description>
<dc:creator><![CDATA[Sachdeva, G.]]></dc:creator>
<dc:date>Tue, 17 Nov 2009 03:49:40 PST</dc:date>
<dc:identifier>info:doi/10.1177/002088170904500403</dc:identifier>
<dc:title><![CDATA[India and the European Union: Broadening Strategic Partnership  Beyond Economic Linkages]]></dc:title>
<prism:number>4</prism:number>
<prism:volume>45</prism:volume>
<prism:endingPage>367</prism:endingPage>
<prism:publicationDate>2008-10-01</prism:publicationDate>
<prism:startingPage>341</prism:startingPage>
<prism:section>Articles</prism:section>
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<item rdf:about="http://isq.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/45/4/369?rss=1">
<title><![CDATA[India's Economic Diplomacy at the World Trade Organization]]></title>
<link>http://isq.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/45/4/369?rss=1</link>
<description><![CDATA[<p>India has adopted a policy of pragmatic engagement with multilateral economic organizations in recent years. In the context of India&rsquo;s economic diplomacy at the World Trade Organization (WTO), where it is seen as one of the major voices of dissent from the developing world, a shift in its traditional posturing is clearly evident. This article seeks to interpret the shift both in the context of structural changes within the WTO and the changing goals of India&rsquo;s economic policy. In view of the stalemate at the Doha round of negotiations, the article argues that multi-lateral organizations like the WTO need to recognize the role of domestic lobbies and transnational civil society networks in shaping the aspirations of emerging economies like India.</p>]]></description>
<dc:creator><![CDATA[Tripathi, R.]]></dc:creator>
<dc:date>Tue, 17 Nov 2009 03:49:40 PST</dc:date>
<dc:identifier>info:doi/10.1177/002088170904500404</dc:identifier>
<dc:title><![CDATA[India's Economic Diplomacy at the World Trade Organization]]></dc:title>
<prism:number>4</prism:number>
<prism:volume>45</prism:volume>
<prism:endingPage>380</prism:endingPage>
<prism:publicationDate>2008-10-01</prism:publicationDate>
<prism:startingPage>369</prism:startingPage>
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<item rdf:about="http://isq.sagepub.com/cgi/reprint/45/4/381?rss=1">
<title><![CDATA[Book Reviews]]></title>
<link>http://isq.sagepub.com/cgi/reprint/45/4/381?rss=1</link>
<description><![CDATA[]]></description>
<dc:creator><![CDATA[]]></dc:creator>
<dc:date>Tue, 17 Nov 2009 03:49:40 PST</dc:date>
<dc:identifier>info:doi/10.1177/002088170904500405</dc:identifier>
<dc:title><![CDATA[Book Reviews]]></dc:title>
<prism:number>4</prism:number>
<prism:volume>45</prism:volume>
<prism:endingPage>393</prism:endingPage>
<prism:publicationDate>2008-10-01</prism:publicationDate>
<prism:startingPage>381</prism:startingPage>
<prism:section>Articles</prism:section>
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<item rdf:about="http://isq.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/45/3/167?rss=1">
<title><![CDATA[More Revisions in Realism: Hobbesian Anarchy, the Tale of the Fool and International Relations Theory]]></title>
<link>http://isq.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/45/3/167?rss=1</link>
<description><![CDATA[<p>Thomas Hobbes is regarded as a major intellectual precursor of realist theory. Such veneration has brought about ample reactions from various scholars who aver that the use of Hobbes'vision of anarchy as an analogy for building greater theories of international relations is problematic at best. Yet, while such critiques of the realist analogy have been abundant, they have devoted scant attention to important passages in the Leviathan (that is, the tale of the fool in Chapter 15) that would produce greater clarity about Hobbes' logic regarding the state of nature. Indeed, a careful textual analysis of the tale of the fool demonstrates that as an analogy for a state of war (that is, as an environment devoid of cooperation) Hobbes' vision of anarchy is even more problematic than what previous critiques suggest. The tale strongly re-inforces critical scholarship that embraces ample opportunities for cooperation (covenants) in a Hobbesian state of nature (that is, without a Leviathan to impose order). The precise Hobbesian logic evident in this tale, in fact, reflects both strong neoliberal and constructivist elements in what many would consider a least-likely place: in Hobbes' vision of anarchy. So while Hobbes has been hailed as the first early modern realist, he could also be cited as the first early modern neoliberal and constructivist. In this respect, Hobbes' own synthesis of elements of realism, constructivism and neoliberalism holds much promise for inspiring a new and more sophisticated vision of international relations: Cosmopolitik.</p>]]></description>
<dc:creator><![CDATA[Gallarotti, G. M]]></dc:creator>
<dc:date>Wed, 23 Sep 2009 06:33:45 PDT</dc:date>
<dc:identifier>info:doi/10.1177/002088170904500301</dc:identifier>
<dc:title><![CDATA[More Revisions in Realism: Hobbesian Anarchy, the Tale of the Fool and International Relations Theory]]></dc:title>
<prism:number>3</prism:number>
<prism:volume>45</prism:volume>
<prism:endingPage>192</prism:endingPage>
<prism:publicationDate>2008-07-01</prism:publicationDate>
<prism:startingPage>167</prism:startingPage>
<prism:section>Articles</prism:section>
</item>

<item rdf:about="http://isq.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/45/3/193?rss=1">
<title><![CDATA[Liberal Institutionalism and International Cooperation after 11 September 2001]]></title>
<link>http://isq.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/45/3/193?rss=1</link>
<description><![CDATA[<p>Liberal institutionalism has traditionally emphasized the need for institutional arrangements to initiate and sustain cooperation among states. The theory regenerated much interest in the capacity and potential of international institutions, particularly the United Nations, for sustained international cooperation and peace in the post-cold war world. A good number of recent developments, particularly the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks on America and the resurgent neoconservative agenda in American foreign policy to wage the endless &lsquo;war on terror&rsquo; and to extend the zone of freedom and democracy through force, run counter to the basic premises of liberal institutionalism. This article analyzes the impact of the neoconservative foreign policy agenda on wider forms of international cooperation and argues that the unilateral US invasion of Iraq in 2003 has created an international environment of conflict and insecurity where rival and hostile states view each other with deep suspicions and prefer not to cooperate on important international peace and security issues. The prevailing international environment of insecurity has seriously undermined, the potential of international institutions, particularly the United Nations, to hold the post-September 11 world together and get states on board to cooperate on a sustained basis.</p>]]></description>
<dc:creator><![CDATA[Nuruzzaman, M.]]></dc:creator>
<dc:date>Wed, 23 Sep 2009 06:33:45 PDT</dc:date>
<dc:identifier>info:doi/10.1177/002088170904500302</dc:identifier>
<dc:title><![CDATA[Liberal Institutionalism and International Cooperation after 11 September 2001]]></dc:title>
<prism:number>3</prism:number>
<prism:volume>45</prism:volume>
<prism:endingPage>213</prism:endingPage>
<prism:publicationDate>2008-07-01</prism:publicationDate>
<prism:startingPage>193</prism:startingPage>
<prism:section>Articles</prism:section>
</item>

<item rdf:about="http://isq.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/45/3/215?rss=1">
<title><![CDATA[India's Forays into Space: Evolution of Its Space Programme]]></title>
<link>http://isq.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/45/3/215?rss=1</link>
<description><![CDATA[<p>Launched in August 1961, the Indian space programme has made steady progress over the years. The participation of Indian scientists in the International Geophysical Year (1957&ndash;58) marked the beginning of India's international cooperation in peaceful uses of outer space. Conceived as a civilian scientific programme in the beginning, its practical applications were expanded later to fulfil the defence and development needs of the country. In the process there emerged a close coordination between civilian space and missile programmes The denial of technology by the developed countries forced India to indigenize its programmes and create synergy between defence and development. Given the constraints on the civilian space programme, its achievements have been quite outstanding. While the development of the Indian space programme is well researched, the process of its evolution is understudied. This article seeks to fill this gap.</p>]]></description>
<dc:creator><![CDATA[Reddy, S V.]]></dc:creator>
<dc:date>Wed, 23 Sep 2009 06:33:45 PDT</dc:date>
<dc:identifier>info:doi/10.1177/002088170904500303</dc:identifier>
<dc:title><![CDATA[India's Forays into Space: Evolution of Its Space Programme]]></dc:title>
<prism:number>3</prism:number>
<prism:volume>45</prism:volume>
<prism:endingPage>245</prism:endingPage>
<prism:publicationDate>2008-07-01</prism:publicationDate>
<prism:startingPage>215</prism:startingPage>
<prism:section>Articles</prism:section>
</item>

<item rdf:about="http://isq.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/45/3/247?rss=1">
<title><![CDATA[The European Union and Central Asia]]></title>
<link>http://isq.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/45/3/247?rss=1</link>
<description><![CDATA[<p>In the post-9/11 period, Central Asia has assumed greater significance for the European Union (EU). Since 2007, the EU has adopted a proactive approach towards the region and sought to promote political and economic stability through democracy and rule of law. At the same time, it wants to secure the flow of energy from Central Asia and balance the influence of big powers like Russia and China. Analyzing these developments, the article argues that, in the coming years, the EU will adopt a more proactive role in the region.</p>]]></description>
<dc:creator><![CDATA[Yazdani, E.]]></dc:creator>
<dc:date>Wed, 23 Sep 2009 06:33:45 PDT</dc:date>
<dc:identifier>info:doi/10.1177/002088170904500304</dc:identifier>
<dc:title><![CDATA[The European Union and Central Asia]]></dc:title>
<prism:number>3</prism:number>
<prism:volume>45</prism:volume>
<prism:endingPage>255</prism:endingPage>
<prism:publicationDate>2008-07-01</prism:publicationDate>
<prism:startingPage>247</prism:startingPage>
<prism:section>Articles</prism:section>
</item>

<item rdf:about="http://isq.sagepub.com/cgi/reprint/45/3/257?rss=1">
<title><![CDATA[Book Reviews]]></title>
<link>http://isq.sagepub.com/cgi/reprint/45/3/257?rss=1</link>
<description><![CDATA[]]></description>
<dc:creator><![CDATA[]]></dc:creator>
<dc:date>Wed, 23 Sep 2009 06:33:45 PDT</dc:date>
<dc:identifier>info:doi/10.1177/002088170904500305</dc:identifier>
<dc:title><![CDATA[Book Reviews]]></dc:title>
<prism:number>3</prism:number>
<prism:volume>45</prism:volume>
<prism:endingPage>270</prism:endingPage>
<prism:publicationDate>2008-07-01</prism:publicationDate>
<prism:startingPage>257</prism:startingPage>
<prism:section>Articles</prism:section>
</item>

<item rdf:about="http://isq.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/45/2/89?rss=1">
<title><![CDATA[Putin's Legacy and the State of Democracy in Russia]]></title>
<link>http://isq.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/45/2/89?rss=1</link>
<description><![CDATA[<p>Two terms of Putin's presidency set in motion a dichotomous trend of growth and stability, on the one hand, and stifling of political and civil liberties, on the other. This was an inevitable outcome of Putin's policies, which laid more emphasis on growth and stability than democratisation of Russia. This imbalance has led to a divergence of assessments and interpretations by the experts. While most of the Russian scholars consider Putin to be a remarkable president, their counterparts from the West condemn him as an authoritarian ruler who derailed the progress of democracy in Russia. Against this backdrop, this article argues that some of the centralization measures of Putin were necessary to keep Russia united and growing. But his attempts at consolidation of the hold of a single party over the legislature militate against one of the fundamental democratic principles of separation of powers between the legislature and the executive. While this has provided unbridled powers to the president, the process of the growth of a strong opposition party in Russia has suffered a definite setback. As a powerful president, Putin emerged as the chief architect of a nation-in-the-making. Under him, national-ism triumphed but democracy staggered.</p>]]></description>
<dc:creator><![CDATA[Kumar, R.]]></dc:creator>
<dc:date>Tue, 19 May 2009 07:02:10 PDT</dc:date>
<dc:identifier>info:doi/10.1177/002088170804500201</dc:identifier>
<dc:title><![CDATA[Putin's Legacy and the State of Democracy in Russia]]></dc:title>
<prism:number>2</prism:number>
<prism:volume>45</prism:volume>
<prism:endingPage>103</prism:endingPage>
<prism:publicationDate>2008-04-01</prism:publicationDate>
<prism:startingPage>89</prism:startingPage>
<prism:section>Article</prism:section>
</item>

<item rdf:about="http://isq.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/45/2/105?rss=1">
<title><![CDATA[Boundaries and Territoriality in South Asia: From Historical Comparisons to Theoretical Considerations]]></title>
<link>http://isq.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/45/2/105?rss=1</link>
<description><![CDATA[<p>This article examines the theoretical salience of territoriality, particularly in South Asia, by comparing the histories of the region's three most contentious boundaries&mdash;Durand, McMahon and Radcliffe lines. It argues that four distinct avenues are central to theoretical considerations on territoriality in South Asia: the role of liberalism in colonial construction of state; international and domestic dimensions of geopolitics; disruptions in demographic and cultural contiguities produced by the boundaries; and the nature of sovereignty resulting from the experience of colonialism. Traditional lenses for studying boundaries and territoriality offer limited analytical purchase. The article posits that critical geopolitics and history-intensive approaches allow a better grasp of material and discursive dimensions of territoriality. Such an eclectic consideration is especially suitable for studying territoriality in South Asia given the region's cross-border complexities, both real and symbolic.</p>]]></description>
<dc:creator><![CDATA[Mishra, A.]]></dc:creator>
<dc:date>Tue, 19 May 2009 07:02:10 PDT</dc:date>
<dc:identifier>info:doi/10.1177/002088170804500202</dc:identifier>
<dc:title><![CDATA[Boundaries and Territoriality in South Asia: From Historical Comparisons to Theoretical Considerations]]></dc:title>
<prism:number>2</prism:number>
<prism:volume>45</prism:volume>
<prism:endingPage>132</prism:endingPage>
<prism:publicationDate>2008-04-01</prism:publicationDate>
<prism:startingPage>105</prism:startingPage>
<prism:section>Article</prism:section>
</item>

<item rdf:about="http://isq.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/45/2/133?rss=1">
<title><![CDATA[Advocacy Groups and Multi-Stakeholder Negotiations: Redefining Frameworks of Diplomatic Practice_]]></title>
<link>http://isq.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/45/2/133?rss=1</link>
<description><![CDATA[<p>The article attempts to highlight the role of non-governmental organizations<sup>1</sup> in international negotiations. It studies the role and place of non-state actors through the concept of multistakeholder negotiations and focuses on the processes employed by non-governmental actors to influence negotiation outcomes. Pointing towards the changing frameworks of diplomatic practice, the article argues that domestic-level mobilization is an important factor in engendering political will among state actors. An illustrative case study of World Commission on Dams is presented, which links theoretical debates and empirical observations. While attempting to delineate linkages between international relations theory and diplomatic practice, the role of leadership by non-governmental organizations is highlighted as a key strategy for influencing the perception of state actors. Framing political communication and ripeness have been pre	sented as key constituents of the leadership strategy. The article is informed through interviews, which includes negotiators, policy-makers, activists and heads of international humanitarian organizations.</p>]]></description>
<dc:creator><![CDATA[Bisht, M.]]></dc:creator>
<dc:date>Tue, 19 May 2009 07:02:10 PDT</dc:date>
<dc:identifier>info:doi/10.1177/002088170804500203</dc:identifier>
<dc:title><![CDATA[Advocacy Groups and Multi-Stakeholder Negotiations: Redefining Frameworks of Diplomatic Practice_]]></dc:title>
<prism:number>2</prism:number>
<prism:volume>45</prism:volume>
<prism:endingPage>153</prism:endingPage>
<prism:publicationDate>2008-04-01</prism:publicationDate>
<prism:startingPage>133</prism:startingPage>
<prism:section>Article</prism:section>
</item>

<item rdf:about="http://isq.sagepub.com/cgi/reprint/45/2/155?rss=1">
<title><![CDATA[Book Reviews]]></title>
<link>http://isq.sagepub.com/cgi/reprint/45/2/155?rss=1</link>
<description><![CDATA[]]></description>
<dc:creator><![CDATA[]]></dc:creator>
<dc:date>Tue, 19 May 2009 07:02:10 PDT</dc:date>
<dc:identifier>info:doi/10.1177/002088170804500204</dc:identifier>
<dc:title><![CDATA[Book Reviews]]></dc:title>
<prism:number>2</prism:number>
<prism:volume>45</prism:volume>
<prism:endingPage>166</prism:endingPage>
<prism:publicationDate>2008-04-01</prism:publicationDate>
<prism:startingPage>155</prism:startingPage>
<prism:section>Article</prism:section>
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<item rdf:about="http://isq.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/45/1/1?rss=1">
<title><![CDATA[Japan-Bangladesh Relations: A Review of Development Partnership]]></title>
<link>http://isq.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/45/1/1?rss=1</link>
<description><![CDATA[<p>This article studies the nature of relationship between Japan and Bangladesh focusing mainly on the Japanese Overseas Development Assistance (ODA) policy for developing countries such as Bangladesh. It also covers trade and other related issues that shape the bilateral relations of these two countries in a historical perspective. This is an interesting study as Bangladesh has consistently been a major recipient of Japanese aid and assistance for a long time in various areas of crucial importance for Bangladesh's development ranging from education, health, rural development, power plant development, private sector development, urban waste management, infrastructure development like building big bridges over mighty rivers, water supply in major cities, good governance and democratization projects. Japan is a great economic power and also regarded as an &lsquo;aid great power&rsquo; but not a military superpower, thus, what determines its economic assistance policy and relations with a country like Bangladesh in South Asia is the central theme of this paper. Cultural relations between Japan and Bangladesh even go beyond the recent diplomatic history. Both the countries are culturally homogenous, natural disaster prone and scarce natural resource nations and Japan is the only country outside of the western world to be able to develop at par with the western countries while practicing democracy simultaneously. From all these points of view Japan can be considered as an ideal development model for Bangladesh.</p>]]></description>
<dc:creator><![CDATA[Chowdhury, M. H.]]></dc:creator>
<dc:date>Mon, 29 Dec 2008 08:23:06 PST</dc:date>
<dc:identifier>info:doi/10.1177/002088170804500101</dc:identifier>
<dc:title><![CDATA[Japan-Bangladesh Relations: A Review of Development Partnership]]></dc:title>
<prism:number>1</prism:number>
<prism:volume>45</prism:volume>
<prism:endingPage>21</prism:endingPage>
<prism:publicationDate>2008-03-01</prism:publicationDate>
<prism:startingPage>1</prism:startingPage>
<prism:section>Article</prism:section>
</item>

<item rdf:about="http://isq.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/45/1/23?rss=1">
<title><![CDATA[Negotiation Analysis: The Cancun Ministerial of the WTO]]></title>
<link>http://isq.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/45/1/23?rss=1</link>
<description><![CDATA[<p>In this article, I address the question of negotiation analysis pertaining to the Cancun Ministerial of the World Trade Organization (WTO). Albeit, the deep differences between developed and developing countries on various trade issues could not be accommodated and the Cancun Ministerial finally collapsed, the coalitional diplomacy and the joint obstinate position taken by the developing countries were unparalleled and deserve concentrated analysis of negotiations and various strategies pursued during the Ministerial. The central contingent variable, in this study is the negotiation strategy pursued by the developing countries at Cancun. In more practical terms the coalitional diplomacy with special reference to the coalition of G-20 and distributive strategy used by the developing countries, have been investigated. Other derivative inquiries delineated here are: how developing countries adhered to and maintained their coalition G-20 at Cancun and the counter strategies of the developed world pertaining to moves made by the developing countries including endgame diplomacy.</p>]]></description>
<dc:creator><![CDATA[Srivastava, S.]]></dc:creator>
<dc:date>Mon, 29 Dec 2008 08:23:06 PST</dc:date>
<dc:identifier>info:doi/10.1177/002088170804500102</dc:identifier>
<dc:title><![CDATA[Negotiation Analysis: The Cancun Ministerial of the WTO]]></dc:title>
<prism:number>1</prism:number>
<prism:volume>45</prism:volume>
<prism:endingPage>43</prism:endingPage>
<prism:publicationDate>2008-03-01</prism:publicationDate>
<prism:startingPage>23</prism:startingPage>
<prism:section>Article</prism:section>
</item>

<item rdf:about="http://isq.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/45/1/45?rss=1">
<title><![CDATA[Weapons of Mass Destruction Transfers in Asia: An Analysis]]></title>
<link>http://isq.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/45/1/45?rss=1</link>
<description><![CDATA[<p> Weapons of mass destruction are spreading in the Asian region. Five countries in the region have nuclear weapons while some more are in the process of acquiring such capabilities. Several of them either have or are in the process of acquiring capabilities in ballistic missiles, chemical and biological weapons or technologies. Vertical or horizontal transfers to some extent have helped these states to acquire WMD. A number of arms control and disarmament measures and regimes have come up from concerned individuals, social groups and institutions at the national, regional and global levels to address this issue. No major escalation control procedures, specifically in nuclear or missile launches, nor &lsquo;de-targeting&rsquo; or &lsquo;non-targeting&rsquo; agreements exist between Asian states. As risk factors increase in post September 11 world, different solutions were offered by several countries. While the western countries succeeded in evolving mechanisms between NATO and Warsaw Pact countries on nuclear CBMs, Asia still lacks any pan-regional monitoring agency to reflect on or curb WMD transfers.</p>]]></description>
<dc:creator><![CDATA[Kondapalli, S.]]></dc:creator>
<dc:date>Mon, 29 Dec 2008 08:23:06 PST</dc:date>
<dc:identifier>info:doi/10.1177/002088170804500103</dc:identifier>
<dc:title><![CDATA[Weapons of Mass Destruction Transfers in Asia: An Analysis]]></dc:title>
<prism:number>1</prism:number>
<prism:volume>45</prism:volume>
<prism:endingPage>73</prism:endingPage>
<prism:publicationDate>2008-03-01</prism:publicationDate>
<prism:startingPage>45</prism:startingPage>
<prism:section>Article</prism:section>
</item>

<item rdf:about="http://isq.sagepub.com/cgi/reprint/45/1/75?rss=1">
<title><![CDATA[Book Reviews]]></title>
<link>http://isq.sagepub.com/cgi/reprint/45/1/75?rss=1</link>
<description><![CDATA[]]></description>
<dc:creator><![CDATA[]]></dc:creator>
<dc:date>Mon, 29 Dec 2008 08:23:06 PST</dc:date>
<dc:identifier>info:doi/10.1177/002088170804500104</dc:identifier>
<dc:title><![CDATA[Book Reviews]]></dc:title>
<prism:number>1</prism:number>
<prism:volume>45</prism:volume>
<prism:endingPage>88</prism:endingPage>
<prism:publicationDate>2008-03-01</prism:publicationDate>
<prism:startingPage>75</prism:startingPage>
<prism:section>Article</prism:section>
</item>

</rdf:RDF>